Tuticorin: Queen of the Pearl Fishery Coast
Tuticorin: Queen of the Pearl Fishery
Coast
Dr. S. Jeyaseela Stephen, Ph.D
Professor of Maritime History
Santiniketan, West Bengal
The Pearl Fishery Coast emerged immensely
in the medieval period owing to strong commercial and political connections and
the port of Kayal then situated in the north of the estuary of river
Tamiraparani was famous for horse trade under the rule of Pandyas (1293-1328).
It had direct maritime contacts with Aden and
Hormuz in West Asia.1 During the Yuan
(1281-1368) and Ming periods (1368-1500) Chinese traders began to visit Kayal
on their way to Quilon (Kollam) on the West Coast and so direct trade contacts also
expanded to East and South East Asia . Chinese pottery was imported in huge
quantities when the Tamil ambassadorial missions had sailed from Kayal to the
Chinese court in 1408, 1411, 1412, 1421, 1423, 1430 1433 and 1436. As a result,
export of various commodities such as pearl, coral, precious stones, textiles
both cotton and silk, animals and aromatic roots flourished.2
Portuguese though
arrived at Calicut
(Kozhikodu) in 1498 to purchase pepper and spices, they learnt about the
flourishing trade of Kayal in the Tamil littoral. They aimed to trade and succeeded
in purchasing pearls and corals at Kayal in 1508 and exported to Lisbon . They also then established
a small trading factory there and issued cartazes
(passes/permits) to the sailing vessels of the natives as they declared the mare clausum (closed sea policy).3 Kayal came to be known as Palaya
(old) Kayal when the new settlement of Punnai Kayal sprang up with the parava Christians after their conversion
in 1536. It was located at the southern banks of river Tamiraparani.4 The name Palaya Kayal thereafter appears
in the Portuguese records since 1 August 1544. The Tamil Muslims at that time
preferred to settle down at Kayalpattinam and it was located little far away to
the south of Punnai Kayal. With the abandonment of old Kayal the name Calepatano (Kayalpattinam) appears in the
Portuguese records since 22 April 1547.5
The port of Tuticorin
Aspects of Urban Genesis in Tuticorin: Portuguese and the Rise of the Povacao (Settlement)
The King of Portugal appointed
Cosme de Paiva in 1542 as captain of the pearl fishery coast and he took
residence at Tuticorin to protect the paravas
against the enemies and also against attacks of sea pirates.6 The port had the shape of a horse shoe with its opening facing towards the
The Pandya chieftain at Tirunelveli made a claim for tax when pearl
fishing was not conducted owing to the absence of pearl banks in 1596.11 He continued to demand a tax of 1000 panams from the parava
inhabitants of Tuticorin.12 Angered by the refusal of the paravas
to pay the taxes, the Pandya chieftain Alagan Perumal Athivirarama alias
Srivallabha II (1564-1606) sacked the port of Tuticorin and took the Jesuit
Rector as prisoner in 1603.13 The paravas therefore migrated to the
neighbouring places and decided not to return to Tuticorin. They did not also
mind about the Pandya ruler since the King of Portugal was accepted by them as
their sovereign ruler who gave protection and looked after their welfare.14
The pearl fishery was seasonal as it very much depended on the ecology. The
expulsion of the Jesuits from the Pearl Fishery Coast in 1605 for a period of
sixteen years owing to disputes with the Portuguese Viceroy in Goa hampered the smooth operation of pearl fishing. In the
mean while, Pedro Soares de Brito was appointed as Captain of Tuticorin, the
chief settlement of the paravas and the Portuguese, to bring the law and
order situation to normalcy at this place. Although he was successful in his
attempts to restore peace in Tuticorin, disputes between the Jesuits and the
Franciscans concerning the control over the parish church of St. Peter in
Tuticorin was not resolved.15 In Portuguese records of 1611 it was
reported that the pearl fishery had not been conducted for, as many as six
years continuously on account of the disputes.16 Jacques de Couttre, the
traveller who visited the Pearl Fishery Coast in 1611 confirms that it was so
while he was at Tuticorin.17
The pearl fishery which was resumed in 1621 earned a revenue of 12,000 xerafins.18 The paravas and the Portuguese evinced much enthusiasm when pearl
fishing resumed in 1621 at Tuticorin owing to the abundant presence of pearl
banks.19 It was only some years later, i.e. 1624 the
Portuguese merchants in Cochin (Kochi) began
to buy pearls from Tuticorin. This is evident from a letter written from Goa in
January 1624 by the Viceroy of India to the King of Portugal.20 It was at this time that the Dutch in Pulicat (Pazhaverkadu) were also
attempting to settle down at Tuticorin. The local people objected to their
intrusion and reacted quickly by informing the Portuguese Viceroy in Goa to take immediate steps to prevent the Dutch entry in
Tuticorin.21
The Jesuits who were expelled from the Pearl Fishery Coast in 1605 because
of the conflicts with the Bishop of Cochin did not return until 1630.22 Another main reason was that the Jesuits had also instigated the paravas
not to pay taxes and levies to the Portuguese authorities.23 Fr. Rubino, a Jesuit is reported to have gone to the capital of the nayak
of Madurai and pleaded for the reduction of annual tax on the paravas from
1000 pagodas to 800 pagodas. The nayak acceded to the
request and further reduced the tax to 500 pagodas.
In 1627 he is reported to have granted complete remission of tax arrears for a
period of three years since the Sethupathi ruler of Ramanathapuram desired to
control the pearl fishery region with the assistance of the Dutch East India
Company.24 The paravas were asked by the nayak
of Madurai in
the year 1631 to pay 1000 pardaus as tax. However the nayak
granted exemption from payment of tax thereafter when the pearl fishery turned
unproductive.25
Four years later (1634) when pearl fishery was resumed, violence and
factional fighting erupted among the Hindu paravas supported by the
Sethupathi ruler of Ramanathapuram with the help of the Dutch and the Christian
paravas. Therefore the Goan
authorities had to send a fleet to control the situation.26 The nayak of Madurai who heard about the pearl fishery operations
appointed one marakkayar (a Tamil Muslim instead of a Hindu official) to
collect revenue and send it on to him. This Muslim official received several
gifts including income from fixed pearl divers and was also allowed to use
seven large boats for pearl fishing. He was also paid sixty chakrams as
salary per month by the nayak of Madurai.27 However he could not do
the job entrusted to him by the nayak as the Christian paravas did
not care for him and continued to pay tribute to the Portuguese.
The tonis of Punnai Kayal and other Parava villages always went to
Tuticorin where the pearl fishery was conducted under the protection of the
Portuguese Captain. In 1634 and 1637 the Portuguese used armed vessels to
protect the coast and prevented the marakkayar, the officer appointed by
the nayak of Madurai from fishing pearls
on the Pearl Fishery Coast.28 The nayak of Madurai once even sent his soldiers to
Tuticorin in 1638 to fight the Portuguese. He demanded all the pearls fished by
all the tonis to be given to him. The Portuguese were not prepared to
part with the revenue in 1638. As this dispute could not be resolved, pearl
fishery operations could not be carried on the next year.29 António Bocarro, the Portuguese chronicler in the 1640s said that the situation
in the Kilakakarai-Mannar complex changed on account of the new political
developments when the Sethupathis established their control over the region.30
With the drying
up of pearl banks, the Portuguese authorities who wanted to expand their trading
activities in the Pearl Fishery Coast could not remain idle having known the
availability of saltpetre in the territory of the Madurai nayak. Pearl
fishery was not held between 1605 and 1621. The Portuguese therefore encouraged
the married settlers of Tuticorin to divert their attention to trade in
saltpetre. The Assentos do Conselho do Estado (Proceedings of the State
Council) at Goa acknowledged that the port of Tuticorin had the most productive
hinterland for the procurement of saltpetre.31 It was found suitable for carrying on export trade resulting in
the creation of a post of Captain and Ouvidor (judge) at Tuticorin.32
Accordingly Pedro Soares de Brito who was living in Cochin was appointed as the
Captain of Tuticorin by Count de Linhares, the Portuguese Viceroy of India
primarily to oversee the procurement of saltpetre in this region.33 The
Captain of Tuticorin was thereupon conferred the title of O Contrador de
salitre em toda de Pescaria i.e. the contractor of saltpetre for the entire Fishery Coast.34
Since Portuguese
official and commercial activities were centred around the port of Tuticorin,
Dom Filippe II, the King of Portugal issued instructions to raise the revenue
of the Portuguese Crown from the port.35
Tuticorin emerged as a casado settlement
with married Portuguese settlers as early as 1587.The port had by then become the most famous pearl market and it is
recorded that as many as fifteen varieties of pearls were sold there. People
always preferred to buy the most perfect and the best pearls. There were many
merchants and the main pearl merchant in 1611 was called Veera Pandi Chetti.36 Thus pearl fishery remained a major source from which the Portuguese
derived their wealth in Tuticorin and used it to enhance their power in the
Pearl Fishery Coast. According to the
list of officials at the various Portuguese settlements in India prepared in 1616, there was no Portuguese
Captain appointed at the port
of Tuticorin
Missionaries and Liturgical
Activities among the Parava Fishing Community
Portuguese
missionaries who arrived on the pearl fishery region did commendable works. Franciscans
were the pioneers who took up the evangelisation work.38 They preached to the Portuguese on Sundays and feast days in the
church, heard confessions and attended to works of Christian charity.39 They were involved in Parava
conversions en masse in the Pearl Fishery Coast from Punnai Kayal to Tuticorin.40 These Franciscans established a residence
at Tuticorin and it was approved at the chapter meeting held in Goa during
1595.41 Dom Andre de S. Maria, the
Bishop of Cochin welcomed them and handed over the residence of Madre de Deus (Mother
of God) at Tuticorin to them. Fr. Custos
selected the missionaries who had to reside there.42
Francis Xavier,
the Jesuit arrived in 1542 at the Pearl Fishery Coast and visited the Parava
Christian villages and mainly attended to the spiritual needs of the people. In
1560 Fr. Henrique Henriques, another Jesuit started the work of consolidation
of the faith of the converts by forming sodalities in Punnai Kayal and
Tuticorin. He believed in the efficacy of Catholic education, Christian
literature and promoting charitable institutions in strengthening the faith of
the Parava converts.43 Fr. Henriques
laid stress on the free will in all matters of conversions. He did not want to
interfere in the prevailing caste system both within the Church as well as outside.
This did not mean that others like Francis Xavier used force. Thus all in all
the missionaries were very successful in their endeavours directed towards
evangelisation. They encouraged the local converts to adopt names of Catholic
saints and also as found in Portuguese. Padre Ruy Vicente, the Papal Visitor
from Rome who wrote about the state of the
missions in the Pearl
Fishery Coast
When the number
of converts among paravas increased, missionaries
also introduced the system of appointing pattangattis
from among the Paravas as chiefs of the villages. Thus Lazaro Vaz and Manuel da
Cruz were appointed as pattangattis
of Punnaikayal and Tuticorin respectively to take care of the Christians in the
absence of the missionaries.45 It is
reported that there were three priests and one brother at the Jesuit House of Our
Lady of Snow in Tuticorin in 1592.46 The
number swelled to six Jesuits there the
next year. The missionaries took pastoral care and also attended to the Parava well
being.47
For the first
time in 1538, a chapel was erected by Fr. Pedro Goncalves, the Franciscan at
Tuticorin dedicated to St. Pedro (Peter) in 1538.48 When Francis Xavier, the Jesuit missionary arrived at Tuticorin
he stayed there and offered Holy Mass in this chapel (within the campus of
present day Bishops’ House).49 In
the Jesuit Annual letter of the year 1574 it is mentioned that this chapel was
converted into a church.50
When the number
of converts was on the increase another Church (near the present day Jesuit
House facing the port) dedicated to Our Lady of Mercy (Nossa Senhora da
Piedade) was built in 1582 by the Jesuits in Tuticorin.51 The prosperous paravas
also generously contributed 800 cruzados
towards its construction.52 The
consecration of this second Church at Tuticorin took place on 5 August 1582.53 In this stone church the Feast of
Our Lady of Snow was introduced and celebrated. It is recorded that more than
600 Christians had received the Holy Communion in that year.54 A third church is also reported to
have been built in honour of the Holy Cross in Tuticorin (near the present day
Holy Cross Convent).
With the process
of Christianization sacerdotal practices were slowly introduced. The Portuguese missionaries at first wanted the parava converts to follow the calendar
of feasts. According to Christian Calendar, the Church festivals represented a
special time. The missionaries felt then the need for celebrating these
Christian festivals in gathering and mobilizing converts of all parava villages. Fr. Henriques was the
first one to introduce Christian calendar and announced the Feast of All Saints.
He also introduced the Tamil calendar to mark the festivals and feasts of the
saints as found correspondingly in the Gregorian Calendar. The dates of movable
Christian feasts of Ash Wednesday, Easter etc., besides other Christian feasts
held from the year 1587 to 1614 were given in the Tamil book entitled ‘Lives of
Saints’ printed by him.55 Thus, it
is construed that the Portuguese missionaries in the Tamil Coast felt the need
to organize the Christians to display their faith by celebrating various
festivals.
The Feast of Our Lady of Snow at Tuticorin
With the rise
of Bhakti religion in Tamil country after the Seventh Century, various Mother
goddess (Sakti, the cosmic Power)
worship emerged and they reached the height of importance in the Fourteenth century.
This strong worship perhaps noticed by the Portuguese in the Sixteenth century
helped them to introduce devotion Mary, the Mother of Jesus Christ although it
was popular among the medieval Christians much earlier. In 1555
Portuguese missionaries brought a statue of the Blessed Virgin Mary from Manila and it was
installed in the chapel at Punnai Kayal which they had built for the Parava
converts. It was called Nossa Senhora das Nevis
(Our Lady of Snow). This wooden image was moved to Tuticorin in 1582 and it was
installed in the Church of Nossa Senhora da Piedade
A description
of this festival in 1600 AD captures the part-Iberian and part-Tamil flavor
that emerged. On the day of the feast of Our Lady of Snow, there were eleven sapparams (floats) in the processions. The
Jesuits introduced the cult of saints like St. Peter, St. Paul, St. John the Baptist, St.
Sebastian, St. Stephen and St. Christopher. The Jesuit Provincial carried the Holy
Sacrament under a magnificent canopy preceded by the priests, with the
seminarians dressed in the Portuguese fashion. The festivities lasted for
another two days. It was the custom that on the feast day of the patron saint,
the Jesuit College Goa in 1623 added to the Christian celebration of saint’s
feast in the Tamil country.
The Foundations for
Rapid Urbanization: Institutions for Medical Care and Education in Tuticorin
The missionaries also played a key
role to develop medical institutions to help the Tamil paravas. In 1550 a dispensary cum hospital was built at Punnai Kayal
by Fr. Henrique Henriques. In his letter dated 12 January 1551 he mentioned
that it was maintained through donations made by the Tamil Christians. With
mobilization of money, expansion works were planned out in other centres in
1571. Four hospitals were set up at Manapadu, Virapandyanpattinam, Vaipaar and
Tuticorin. A large contribution of money was made in proportion to the number
of boats that took part in the pearl fishery at each pearl fishing season. This
amount was deposited with a reliable person who spent the money in accordance
with the instruction and direction of the Jesuits. He kept an exact account of
the amount spent. When pearl fishing could not be carried out in certain years
owing to natural conditions the Jesuits borrowed money from elsewhere and spent
it for the upkeep of the hospitals in all the five places. An understanding
developed at that time that the Tamil Parava
Christians agreed to repay the loan later at the next pearl fishing season
to the Jesuits for the actual sum borrowed and spent towards the hospital by
the missionaries.60 Fr. Henriques in his letter dated 13
January 1575 communicated that an institution called ‘The confraternity of
charity’ was formed by him in the Pearl Fishery Coast and two persons of this
organization were deputed to serve in each hospital at the five centres every
week.61
Fines which were imposed on various
Portuguese officials came to be used for the hospital purposes. Rodrigues
Coutinho, the Portuguese captain of the Pearl Fishery coast helped in the
project. The captain who collected these fines sent the same to the
administrator of the hospital. The Jesuits went often to help in the hospital
primarily to see about the cleanliness.62
Since collections from alms and fines were not adequate for the upkeep of the
hospital, Fr. Henriques ordered that fund raising should be carried out once a
week.63 The hospital at Tuticorin
grew bigger than the other centres sometime between 1588 and 1592. The paravas very generously contributed
large sums towards maintenance of the hospital at Tuticorin in 1594.64
The Jesuits inaugurated a college and
a seminary in 1594. In the annual letter of Fr. Cabral from Goa dated 29
November 1595 he mentioned that Tuticorin College and Seminary offered teaching
Latin and moral science.65 A building
was also raised for the seminary at Tuticorin in 1600.66 The paravas
contributed three hundred cruzados towards
it. This fact was communicated by Fr. Durao in a letter dated 4 December 1587
to the Jesuit Superior General in Rome.67
One Thomas de Gamboa, son of Ignatius de Amboa and Theodosia de Gomes born in
Mylapore had joined the Society of Jesus and lived in the seminary. He was
ordained as a priest on 27 July 1616 and served the Jesuit mission in the Tamil
coast.68 In 1626 Fr. Manoel de Elvas
was appointed by the Bishop of Cochin as the Rector of the Seminary in
Tuticorin.69
With the
printing of Tamil books such as Thambiran
Vanakkam (20 October 1578) Krisittiyani
Vanakkam (30 November 1579) Confessionario
(28 May 1580) and Adiyar Varalaru
(1586) the literary skills of the paravas
had much developed. In course of time the need for schools arose. A Portuguese
school and a Tamil school were opened in Tuticorin. It is recorded that twenty
five children attended the Portuguese school while 155 went to the Tamil school
in 1644.70 Thus printing in Tamil had
a strong influence in the development of Christian literature. It helped the paravas and served as an eye-opener to have better education
and social emancipation.
Eventually the
Christian quarters came to be formed around its three churches. The Portuguese had erected a mud wall around
the European quarters of Tuticorin and it was strong enough to withstand the
attacks from enemies. The walls of the town were pulled down in a fight between
the captain of Tuticorin and the Jesuits concerning the control of the church of St. Peter
Conclusion
The pearl
fishing industry and trade indicated the development of economy in Tuticorin which
was in a large measure based on the seaborne resources. Next we find the land based saltpetre trade had
attracted the attention of the Portuguese. The location of Tuticorin had
certain natural advantages and so elephants were imported from Sri Lanka in
large ships and the animal trade flourished with the Nayaka court in Madurai.73 However, the effective penetration
of the Portuguese was achieved through missionary work. The religious aspects
of economic organization and economic aspects of religious organization
complemented each other in the urban growth of Tuticorin.
Notes and References
1. S.
Jeyaseela Stephen, “Medieval Trade of the Tamil Coast and its Hinterland, AD
1280-1500”, The Indian Historical Review,
Vol. XXV, No.2, January 1999, pp. 1-37.
2. S.
Jeyaseela Stephen, Portuguese in the
Tamil Coast: Historical Explorations in Commerce and Culture, 1507-1749,
Nava Jyothi Publishing House, Pondicherry, 1998, pp.28-29, p.38, pp. 62-64.
3. S.
Jeyaseela Stephen, Industry and Trade of the Portuguese on the Eastern Coast of
India: A Study of the Port of Kayal, 1519-1546, Proceedings of the South Indian History Congress, Eleventh Session,
Calicut, 1991, pp. 67-73.
4. Archivum Romanum Societatis
Iesu, (hereafter ARSI) Roma, Mss. Goa, Vol. 37, fls.31v-32r. In 1532 when
trouble arose between the Paravas and the Muslims in the South Eastern Coast of
India, the Franciscan missionaries and the Portuguese lost no time to take
advantage of the situation. According to contemporary accounts, the trouble is
said to have started when a Parava lady was insulted by a Muslim when she was
buying a paniyaram (rice cake). The
lady reported the matter to her husband who picked up a quarrel with the
Muslim. The latter in his anger tore the earlobe of the Parava. In the
estimation of the Paravas to have one's earlobe torn out was a great insult to
the whole community and thus a serious dispute arose between the Paravas and
the Muslims. As a result, the Paravas refused to undertake pearl fishing for
the Muslims. João da Cruz, a horse dealer at this time is reported to have
suggested to the Paravas to approach the Portuguese in Cochin for support and help. The Portuguese
requested them to become Christians and assured to provide them protection.
Hence in the same year, three Franciscan priests went to the Pearl Fishery
Coast and converted the Paravas en masse.
5. S. Jeyaseela Stephen, Portuguese in the Tamil Coast
6. Instituto Arquivo
Nacionais/ Torrre do Tombo, (hereafter IANTT) Lisboa , Portugal
7. S.
Jeyaseela Stephen, “Dimensions of Urban Development in the Portuguese Trading
Settlement of Punnaikayal on the Tamil Coast, 1547-1579”, Boletim do Instituto Menezes de
Braganca, Vol. 170, 1994, pp.177-195.
8. Fernão Lopes de Castanheda, História
do Descobrimento e Conquista da India Pelos Portugueses, Porto, 1975, VIII,
p.173; Gaspar Correia, Lendas da
India, Porto 1975, III, p.823; Jose Wicki, Documenta Indica, (hereafter
D.I.) Vols. 1-18, Roma, 1948-88, Vol. XIII, pp. 184-186.
9. See the letter of Fr. Henrique Henriques to the Jesuit Superior General
dated 6 December 1577 in D.I, Vol. XIII, pp.184-86.
10. Archivo General de Simancas, (hereafter AGS) Valladolid , Spain
11. ARSI, Mss. Goa, Vol.33, fl.326, No.14; See also,
Tikiri Abeysinghe, A Study of the Portuguese Regimentos on Sri Lanka at the
Goa Archives, Colombo .
n.d, p.6.
12. ARSI, Mss. Goa,
Vol.47, fl.365.
13. ARSI, Mss. Goa, Vol.66, fl.3-3v.
14. ARSI, Mss. Goa, Vol. 66, fls.2-7.
15. Historical Archives of Goa, Panjim ,
India
16. Letter of King Filippe to Viceroy Rui Lourenço de Tavora in Goa dated 20 February 1610 in Bulhão Pato, Documentos
Remetidos da India, Vol. I, Lisbon ,
1880, p. 342.
17. Teensma (ed.) Jacques de
Couttre , Madrid
18. Biblioteca Publica e Arquivo Distrital Evora, (hereafter BPADE) Mss,
CV/ 2-7, fl. 57v; Biblioteca da Ajuda, (hereafter BA) Lisboa, Mss.Codice,
51-v-36, fl.37.
19. Biblioteca Nacional de
Lisboa, (hereafter BNL) Mss. Reservados, See, Andre Coelho, Relação de muita
importancia que trata das fortalezas prisidiose feitorias que o inimigo Olandes
tem nestas da India 1621, Codex 638, fl.5.
20. Bulhao Pato, Documentos Remetidos da India ou Livros da
Moncoes, Vol. X, Lisboa, 1972, p. 48.
21. Pissurlencar, Assentos do
Conselho do Estado, 5 Vols. Goa ,
1953-83, See Vol. I, Part I, (1624-1627) pp.66-67.
22. Pissurlencar, Assentos do Conselho do Estado…op.cit., Vol. I, p.361; For conflicts and disorder in 1610 and 1612,
see Livro1, fl.24; Livro 5, fl.75 and fl.126.
23. "Side lights on South
Indian History from the Letters and Records of the
Contemporary Jesuit Missionaries (1542-1756)”,St. Joseph's College Magazine, Trichnopoly,
Vol.18, No. 14, 1929, p. 173.
Contemporary Jesuit Missionaries (1542-1756)”,
24.
Madurai Province Jesuit Archives, (hereafter MPJA) Shenbaganur, Litterae
Annuae, Vol. III, p. 22, Vol. VIII, p.16,18 and 30.
25.
ARSI, Mss. Goa , Vol.47, fl. 365v.
26. HAG, Mss. MDR, Livro 19C,
fls.1166-67; Livro 20, fl. 45v.
27. Pissurlencar, Assentos do Conselho do Estado…op.cit., Vol.
I, Document No.18.
28. HAG, Mss. MDR, Livro 19B,
27/2-4, See also Livro 40, fl. 69; AGS,
Mss. Secretarias Provinciales, Codice 1490,
fl.194; Arquivo Historico Ultramarino, (Hereafter AHU) Lisboa, Mss. India, Caixa
6, see the document dated 1 December 1619.
29.
HAG, Mss. MDR, Livro 10 D, 44/2/2, fl.1166.
30. Antonio Bocarro, Decada 13, da Historia da India, 2 Vols, Lisboa, 1876, pp.368-369.
31. Pissurlencar, Assentos do Conselho do Estado…op.cit., Vol. I. Part II. Document no.34,
p.66. (13 and 15 October 1625).
32. Ibid., Vol. I. No.86,
p.258. (6 February 1630).
33. Ibid., Vol. II. pp.6-18,
70-17, 84-85; Braganca Perreira, Arquivo Portuguez Oriental "Livro
das plantas de todas as fortalezas cidades e povações do Estado da Índia
Oriental" in Tomo IV, Vol. II, Part I, Bastora, Goa, 1935. The Viceroy
suspected the Jesuits of collecting taxes and tolls on Paravas and so he wanted
to put an end to it. This was another reason for appointing and immediately
filling up the vacant post of the captain at Tuticorin.
34. Biblioteca da Universidade de
Coimbra ,
(hereafter BUC) Mss. Carta Geral dos Servidores do Estado da India em 1635,
No.459, fls.234-240.
35. ARSI, Mss. Goa, Vol. 33, fl.326. For the royal order
of King of Filippe II, see IANTT, Chancellaria
de Dom Filippe II, Livro 3, fl.103 (4 February 1610).
36. Teensma, (ed.,) Jacques de Couttre , Madrid
37. See "Lista de todos as
Capitanias e Cargos que ha na India E sua Estimacaoe Rendimento Porcao mais ou
menos" (as dated 14 November 1616) in Revista Portuguesa
Colonial e Maritima, Lisboã, 1900-1901, pp.344-353.
38. D.I, Vol. I, p. 97.
39. Elaine Sancaeu, Colecao de São Lourenco, 3 Vols, Lisboa, 1973-83, Vol. II,
p. 382. Fr. João Villa de Conde complained to the Viceroy of Goa in his letter
22 April 1547 that many Paravas of the fishery coast had migrated and they resided
in the region between Kilakkarai and Vedalai.
40. ARSI, Mss. Goa ,
Vol. 38. fl. 307.
41. See, Fernando Felix Lopez,
Missóes Franciscans na India
Oriental em 1595 Casa Pessoal e Legislação, 1953.
42. See, Achilles Meersmen, The Franciscans in Tamilnad, Schoneck
Beckenried, 1962.
43. J. Wicki, "The
Confraternity of Christianity of Henrique Henriques", Indian Church
44. ARSI, Litterae Annuae: Provinciae Malabrensis, 1582, fl. 3.
45. HAG, MDR, Livro 19D, Codice
24-26/3-4.
46. D.I, Vol. XVI, Letter no.53, p.17.
47. S. Jeyaseela Stephen, Societal
Changes: Portuguese and the Native Christians in Tamil Country (Cir.
1537-1759), in K.S. Mathew, T.R. De Sousa, & Pius Malekandathil, (eds.,) The Portuguese and Socio-Cultural Changes in
India
48. HAG, MDR Livro 11, Codice
7/14/5, fl.96.
49. ARSI, Mss. Goa, Vol. 47,
fls.758-759.
50. D.I., Vol. VIII, p.47.
51. ARSI, Litterae Annuae: Provinciae Malabrensis, 1583, see the letter of
Fr. Diogo to Fr. Aqua Viva dated 15 December 1582.
52. D.I. Vol. XII, p. 718; ARSI,
Mss. Goa , Vol. 55, fl. 15.
53. ARSI, Mss. Goa, Vol. 20,
fls.51-55; See also, see the letter of Fr. Nunes Rodrigues dated 30 December
1582 written from Cochin in Mss. Goa, Vol. 55, fl. 43.
54. ARSI, Litterae Annuae: Provinciae Malabrensis, 1583; See also, A. Roche, Fishermen of Coromandel, New Delhi , 1984, p.52.
55. S. Rajamanickam,
Adiyar Varalaru, (Flos Sanctorum) Tuticorin, 1967,
pp.666-667.
56. ARSI, Litterae Annuae: Provinciae Malabrensis,
1583, fl. 3.
57. D.I, Vol. XII, pp.717-718.
58. D.I, Vol. XI,
p. 817.
59. ARSI, Litterae Annuae: Provinciae Malabrensis, 1600, fls.3-4.
60. D.I, Vol. VII, pp.170-171; Vol. VIII, pp.478-480.
61. D.I, Vol. IX, pp.603-604.
62. D.I, Vol. II, pp.161-162; See also the letter of Fr.
Henriques to Fr. Lainez in December 1561.
63. D.I, Vol. II, p. 392.
64. D.I, Vol. XV, Document No.84, pp.109-111; D.I., Vol. XVI, p. 56; See also, Antonio da
Silva Rego, Documentacao Para a Historia
das Missoes do Padroado Portugues do Oriente, 12 Vols, Lisboa,1947-1958,
Vol. X, p.320.
65. D.I, Vol. XVII,
Letter no.46, paragraph no. 165.
66. ARSI, Litterae
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67. D.I, Vol. XIV, Document no.104 and 105.
68. S.
Jeyaseela Stephen, Caste, Catholic
Christianity and the Language of Conversion: Social Change and Cultural
Translation in Tamil Country, 1519-1774, Kalpaz Publications, New Delhi , 2008.
69. Boletim do
Filomoteca Ultramarina Portuguesa, (hereafter BFUP) Vol.XII,
1959, p.442.
70. See the Litterae Annuae of Fr. Andre Lopez in L. Besse,
La Mission du Madure, Trichnopoly, 1914, pp. 15-21;
See also, J. Bertrand, La
Mission du Madure, IV
Vols, Paris, 1847-1854, pp. 456-458.
71. F.C. Danvers and William Foster, Letters received by the
English East India Company
from its Servants in the East (1602-1617), 6 Vols, London, 1896-1902,
See, Vol. I, (1602-1613) London , 1896, p.9; See
also, HAG, MDR, Livro.17, fl.95.
72. Philip Baldeaus, A True and Exact
Description of the Most Celebrated East India Coasts of Malabar and Coromandel as well as of the
Isle of Ceylon with their
Adjacent Kingdom and Provinces, 1672, London,1703, reprint, New Delhi, 2000,
p. 648.
73. S. Jeyaseela Stephen, “The Nayaks of Tamil Country and
the Portuguese Trade in War Animals”, in Pius Malekandathil & T. Jamal
Mohammed (eds.,) The Portuguese, the
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